Four centuries ago, as Báhêmbá in eastern Congo recall, the founding ancestor of the Bágáná‘ítûngwá patrilineage, a man named ‘Ítûngwá, married a woman named ‘Ímúní. She came to live with him in his village, but after a time she went back to her father’s village. ‘Ítûngwá then married another wife, Múgânzá, who did not perform the respect ritual recognizing ‘Ímúní as senior wife. Múgânzá gave birth to a child. Eventually ‘Ímúní returned to live with ‘Ítûngwá and also gave birth to a child. The dilemma is “Which of these co-wives is the senior wife?” The answer is critical in determining the seniority of the children and their descendants in two lineage segments in perpetuity. This brief tale connects to fundamental kinship principles and practices in Hêmbá society. Báhêmbá identify as members of both patrilineages and matrilineages. Marital residence patterns are kinship based. Patrilineages are localized and matrilineages are dispersed. Married women usually come to live in the village of their husband’s patrilineage. Each patrilineage traces to a founding ancestor and his wives. The dispute between descendants of ‘Ímúní and Múgânzá became acute soon after Congolese independence when people dispersed from a large village where they had been constrained to live in the Belgian Congo. The new postcolonial state allowed smaller villages but still required a minimum size. For this reason, a village was formed that brought together ‘Ímúní and Múgânzá lineage segments of Bágáná‘ítûngwá. This merger led to intense hostilities and village dysfunction as the two groups contested their seniority. This mistake highlights the importance of understanding indigenous knowledge and social systems. The paper addresses how better understandings of Báhêmbá farmers’ kinship relationships underpinned the design and successful implementation of the agricultural development project known as Projet Nord Shaba.